NEW DELHI: 'Teesra moracha' ( third front ) is often like that uncle in an Indian wedding who is not happy with the state of affairs, does nothing, but rarely has an impact on the actual celebrations.
The third front is also a rare presence, reflecting the two-party system at the Centre, with exceptions such as Uttar Pradesh and now Delhi.
In Bihar, the date is decided, the red carpet is rolled out and the parties are fighting over who gets the largest share of seats in the coalition. The political arena is dominated by the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United), and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), while smaller but notable players like the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), and the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) CPI (ML) often float in and out of alliances, shaping the margins of Bihar’s politics.
Two political parties, RJD and JD (U), have been ruling the state, depending on Nitish Kumar , this century's 'Aya Ram Gaya Ram', famous for his alliance flip-flops to stay in power.
The parties that have tasted power in the state over the past decade, JD (U), BJP and RJD, have done so as part of coalitions. The third front is either virtually non-existent or remains a fragmented collection. Without a strong, unifying leader or a clear social coalition, it struggles to gain traction and remains on the margins of Bihar’s fiercely contested political landscape, but may not any more, it seems.
BJP's Aurangzeb dilemma
Aurangzeb, the Mughal emperor who extended his empire to its greatest reach in India, was unable to conquer the Maratha strongholds in the West or the Ahom kingdom in the northeast. At present, Bharatiya Janata Party directly rules 15 states and six others in alliance, but is unable to besiege Patliputra, and remains dependent on JD (U) for both a lack of a CM face after the demise of Sushil Modi and JD (U)'s significant voter base among certain caste groups. The BJP was the second-largest party with 74 seats in the 2020 assembly election, with JD (U) coming third with just 49 seats, but it let Nitish retain the CM seat. The dynamics, however, have changed a bit with anti-incumbency against Nitish Kumar, voter fatigue of 20 years and alleged "health decline", demonstrated by the BJP getting a larger share of seats compared to its "senior" alliance partner in the upcoming elections.
JD (U)'s Middle Kingdom Syndrome
The Middle Kingdom Syndrome refers to a historical, political and cultural mindset, mostly associated with China, which considers itself as the world’s central and most important civilisation, with others regarded as subordinate. Nitish Kumar, who has been Bihar's chief minister since 2005, with a brief lull in 2015 when he made Jitan Ram Manjhi sit on the chair, has been the central force in Bihar, calling shots on whether BJP or RJD rules the state. Kumar has switched sides five times since 2013.
Both the king and the kingmaker, Kumar's party, don't have a large enough vote base to win the majority of seats by itself. According to the 2022 caste census, both Kushwahas and Kurmis, JD (U)'s core voter base, are 4.21% and 2.87% of the population, respectively, which is not so with RJD, which has Muslims (17.7 %) and Yadavs (14.26%) as its voter base.
Karna's stigma: The RJD
Karna, the Mahabharata character, was born to Kunti before her marriage, but was abandoned by her due to social stigma and raised by a charioteer family. Tejashwi Yadav , the leader of the RJD, although not abandoned by his father Lalu Prasad Yadav, like his brother has been lately, surely carries the stigma of leading a party whose name has been synonymous with corruption, crime, and neglect of development.
The RJD had a resurrection after it came into power with JD (U)’s support in 2015, but things changed after Nitish switched back to the NDA. It became the single largest party then, and again in 2020, though it fell short of forming the government. The 2025 elections could be Tejashwi Yadav’s best bet yet with Nitish Kumar facing visible anti-incumbency, and the BJP grappling with internal rifts over leadership.
The Muslim-Yadav social engineering has not proven enough for it to come to power on its own. Tejashwi is aiming to capture Bihar in 2025 by moving beyond his father’s legacy and broadening his social coalition. The Agras or the Savarna, however, found solace long back in JD (U)-BJP.
Congress, the erstwhile USSR
Congress, like the USSR, was once a monolithic force controlling vast territory. The grand old party, once the "only option" in Indian politics, ruled the state for decades till the JP movement gave it a blow and ushered in the era of opposition parties. Over time, caste-based mobilisation by RJD and later, JD (U), fueled its decline further. Its alliance with RJD also prevented it from having an independent identity in Bihar. Just like the BJP, Congress too doesn't have a well-known face in Bihar. The party has struggled to maintain its foothold in the state, winning only 19 of the 70 seats it contested in the last assembly elections, compared with RJD’s 75 out of 144. In the 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, Congress contested 41 seats and won 27 of them, which shows its steady decline.
In 2025, the INDIA bloc is grappling with internal discord over seat sharing, causing delays in candidate announcements and sparking disputes. In several constituencies, both the Congress and RJD have fielded their own candidates, turning the contests into “friendly fights” that risk splitting the alliance’s vote base.
The NDA on the other hand, has nearly completed its seat-sharing arrangement, with the BJP claiming a larger share of seats than the JD (U), a clear sign of the party getting a dominant position within the alliance.
Besides the breakups and makeups of the JD (U)-BJP alliance beginning in 2005, the occasional tête-à-tête between the non-committal Chacha and the Bhatija, and the loose Mahagathbandhan between RJD and Congress, lies a whole list of political parties that play a significant role in the state's politics, hold big portfolios at the Center, but could never present a third front, only fros and twos.
The Footnotes of Bihar politics
Always present, occasionally noticed, but never the main story. That’s been the fate of smaller but significant players in Bihar’s political theatre. The Lok Janshakti Party founded by the late Ram Vilas Paswan and now led by his son Chirag, retains a stronghold among the SC community, especially the Paswans. In the February 2005 elections, the party won all 29 seats it contested, a feat that suggested its ability to shape Bihar’s government. Paswan himself was famously said to hold the “key” to government formation.
But Nitish Kumar’s strategic rise, including the creation of the “Mahadalit” category, which excluded Paswans, eroded LJP’s dominance over Dalit votes. The split in the party after Ram Vilas Paswan's death also impacted its vote share. The LJP has gotten 29 seats within the NDA coalition this time, signalling its stand in the alliance has increased its party’s bargaining power.
Next to the LJP, the CPI(ML)L has carved out a significant presence in Bihar’s northern districts, winning 12 of the 19 seats it contested in the 2020 Assembly elections. Parties like Union minister Jitan Ram Manjhi’s HAM, Vikassheel Insaan Party, Jan Adhikar Party, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have a relatively small seat base and limited electoral reach. With fewer seats contested, smaller alliance shares, and stiff competition from larger parties, they struggle to make a significant impact on Bihar’s political landscape.
Parties from other states have also made inroads in Bihar. The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) first won seats in 2020, securing five constituencies, primarily in the Seemanchal region. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won one seat each in the last elections. In the 2025 elections, Asaduddin Owaisi has announced the formation of a third front, the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA), which will contest at least 64 of the 243 constituencies to give space to other “secular parties.” Meanwhile, the JMM has decided to opt out of the electoral fray following a seat-sharing conflict with the Mahagathbandhan.
Simba (The Lion King): Jan Suraaj
Simba returns to Pride Rock and reclaims his throne, changing the fate of the kingdom. Prashant Kishor , the strategist, living in exile, realised he could do much more than he thought he could. The man who once engineered victories for the BJP, then the RJD-JD (U) alliance, is today being watched as a potential third-front builder in Bihar. His approach blends grassroots engagement through his extensive padyatra across Bihar with the strategic fielding of candidates perceived as clean, non-dynastic, and committed to social justice. Unlike traditional parties, Kishor’s Jan Suraaj aims to break away from caste-based politics and he has repeatedly made it clear that he will not formally join any alliance, separating himself from the two dominant fronts.
Political analysts suggest Kishor’s Jan Suraaj could act as a disruptive vote cutter, siphoning support from both major alliances and complicating their path to a majority. Some even see him as a potential kingmaker or a future chief minister contender, depending on the election outcome. Kishor, however, has announced he will not contest to focus on organisational work. By blending vote-share disruption with a development-focused agenda, Kishor is increasingly seen as a credible third front in Bihar’s political landscape.
The coming elections will be decisive, not just for Bihar, but for the very idea of a third option in the state. Will Kishor replicate the LJP’s limited success of 29 seats, or will he convert Bihar’s electoral calculus into a new third alternative, reshaping the political landscape? And if he fails to make an impact, the absence of a viable third front will remain a gap in Bihar's politics.
The third front is also a rare presence, reflecting the two-party system at the Centre, with exceptions such as Uttar Pradesh and now Delhi.
In Bihar, the date is decided, the red carpet is rolled out and the parties are fighting over who gets the largest share of seats in the coalition. The political arena is dominated by the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Janata Dal (United), and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), while smaller but notable players like the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), and the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) CPI (ML) often float in and out of alliances, shaping the margins of Bihar’s politics.
Two political parties, RJD and JD (U), have been ruling the state, depending on Nitish Kumar , this century's 'Aya Ram Gaya Ram', famous for his alliance flip-flops to stay in power.
The parties that have tasted power in the state over the past decade, JD (U), BJP and RJD, have done so as part of coalitions. The third front is either virtually non-existent or remains a fragmented collection. Without a strong, unifying leader or a clear social coalition, it struggles to gain traction and remains on the margins of Bihar’s fiercely contested political landscape, but may not any more, it seems.
BJP's Aurangzeb dilemma
Aurangzeb, the Mughal emperor who extended his empire to its greatest reach in India, was unable to conquer the Maratha strongholds in the West or the Ahom kingdom in the northeast. At present, Bharatiya Janata Party directly rules 15 states and six others in alliance, but is unable to besiege Patliputra, and remains dependent on JD (U) for both a lack of a CM face after the demise of Sushil Modi and JD (U)'s significant voter base among certain caste groups. The BJP was the second-largest party with 74 seats in the 2020 assembly election, with JD (U) coming third with just 49 seats, but it let Nitish retain the CM seat. The dynamics, however, have changed a bit with anti-incumbency against Nitish Kumar, voter fatigue of 20 years and alleged "health decline", demonstrated by the BJP getting a larger share of seats compared to its "senior" alliance partner in the upcoming elections.
JD (U)'s Middle Kingdom Syndrome
The Middle Kingdom Syndrome refers to a historical, political and cultural mindset, mostly associated with China, which considers itself as the world’s central and most important civilisation, with others regarded as subordinate. Nitish Kumar, who has been Bihar's chief minister since 2005, with a brief lull in 2015 when he made Jitan Ram Manjhi sit on the chair, has been the central force in Bihar, calling shots on whether BJP or RJD rules the state. Kumar has switched sides five times since 2013.
Both the king and the kingmaker, Kumar's party, don't have a large enough vote base to win the majority of seats by itself. According to the 2022 caste census, both Kushwahas and Kurmis, JD (U)'s core voter base, are 4.21% and 2.87% of the population, respectively, which is not so with RJD, which has Muslims (17.7 %) and Yadavs (14.26%) as its voter base.
Karna's stigma: The RJD
Karna, the Mahabharata character, was born to Kunti before her marriage, but was abandoned by her due to social stigma and raised by a charioteer family. Tejashwi Yadav , the leader of the RJD, although not abandoned by his father Lalu Prasad Yadav, like his brother has been lately, surely carries the stigma of leading a party whose name has been synonymous with corruption, crime, and neglect of development.
The RJD had a resurrection after it came into power with JD (U)’s support in 2015, but things changed after Nitish switched back to the NDA. It became the single largest party then, and again in 2020, though it fell short of forming the government. The 2025 elections could be Tejashwi Yadav’s best bet yet with Nitish Kumar facing visible anti-incumbency, and the BJP grappling with internal rifts over leadership.
The Muslim-Yadav social engineering has not proven enough for it to come to power on its own. Tejashwi is aiming to capture Bihar in 2025 by moving beyond his father’s legacy and broadening his social coalition. The Agras or the Savarna, however, found solace long back in JD (U)-BJP.
Congress, the erstwhile USSR
Congress, like the USSR, was once a monolithic force controlling vast territory. The grand old party, once the "only option" in Indian politics, ruled the state for decades till the JP movement gave it a blow and ushered in the era of opposition parties. Over time, caste-based mobilisation by RJD and later, JD (U), fueled its decline further. Its alliance with RJD also prevented it from having an independent identity in Bihar. Just like the BJP, Congress too doesn't have a well-known face in Bihar. The party has struggled to maintain its foothold in the state, winning only 19 of the 70 seats it contested in the last assembly elections, compared with RJD’s 75 out of 144. In the 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, Congress contested 41 seats and won 27 of them, which shows its steady decline.
In 2025, the INDIA bloc is grappling with internal discord over seat sharing, causing delays in candidate announcements and sparking disputes. In several constituencies, both the Congress and RJD have fielded their own candidates, turning the contests into “friendly fights” that risk splitting the alliance’s vote base.
The NDA on the other hand, has nearly completed its seat-sharing arrangement, with the BJP claiming a larger share of seats than the JD (U), a clear sign of the party getting a dominant position within the alliance.
Besides the breakups and makeups of the JD (U)-BJP alliance beginning in 2005, the occasional tête-à-tête between the non-committal Chacha and the Bhatija, and the loose Mahagathbandhan between RJD and Congress, lies a whole list of political parties that play a significant role in the state's politics, hold big portfolios at the Center, but could never present a third front, only fros and twos.
The Footnotes of Bihar politics
Always present, occasionally noticed, but never the main story. That’s been the fate of smaller but significant players in Bihar’s political theatre. The Lok Janshakti Party founded by the late Ram Vilas Paswan and now led by his son Chirag, retains a stronghold among the SC community, especially the Paswans. In the February 2005 elections, the party won all 29 seats it contested, a feat that suggested its ability to shape Bihar’s government. Paswan himself was famously said to hold the “key” to government formation.
But Nitish Kumar’s strategic rise, including the creation of the “Mahadalit” category, which excluded Paswans, eroded LJP’s dominance over Dalit votes. The split in the party after Ram Vilas Paswan's death also impacted its vote share. The LJP has gotten 29 seats within the NDA coalition this time, signalling its stand in the alliance has increased its party’s bargaining power.
Next to the LJP, the CPI(ML)L has carved out a significant presence in Bihar’s northern districts, winning 12 of the 19 seats it contested in the 2020 Assembly elections. Parties like Union minister Jitan Ram Manjhi’s HAM, Vikassheel Insaan Party, Jan Adhikar Party, and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have a relatively small seat base and limited electoral reach. With fewer seats contested, smaller alliance shares, and stiff competition from larger parties, they struggle to make a significant impact on Bihar’s political landscape.
Parties from other states have also made inroads in Bihar. The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) first won seats in 2020, securing five constituencies, primarily in the Seemanchal region. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) won one seat each in the last elections. In the 2025 elections, Asaduddin Owaisi has announced the formation of a third front, the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA), which will contest at least 64 of the 243 constituencies to give space to other “secular parties.” Meanwhile, the JMM has decided to opt out of the electoral fray following a seat-sharing conflict with the Mahagathbandhan.
Simba (The Lion King): Jan Suraaj
Simba returns to Pride Rock and reclaims his throne, changing the fate of the kingdom. Prashant Kishor , the strategist, living in exile, realised he could do much more than he thought he could. The man who once engineered victories for the BJP, then the RJD-JD (U) alliance, is today being watched as a potential third-front builder in Bihar. His approach blends grassroots engagement through his extensive padyatra across Bihar with the strategic fielding of candidates perceived as clean, non-dynastic, and committed to social justice. Unlike traditional parties, Kishor’s Jan Suraaj aims to break away from caste-based politics and he has repeatedly made it clear that he will not formally join any alliance, separating himself from the two dominant fronts.
Political analysts suggest Kishor’s Jan Suraaj could act as a disruptive vote cutter, siphoning support from both major alliances and complicating their path to a majority. Some even see him as a potential kingmaker or a future chief minister contender, depending on the election outcome. Kishor, however, has announced he will not contest to focus on organisational work. By blending vote-share disruption with a development-focused agenda, Kishor is increasingly seen as a credible third front in Bihar’s political landscape.
The coming elections will be decisive, not just for Bihar, but for the very idea of a third option in the state. Will Kishor replicate the LJP’s limited success of 29 seats, or will he convert Bihar’s electoral calculus into a new third alternative, reshaping the political landscape? And if he fails to make an impact, the absence of a viable third front will remain a gap in Bihar's politics.
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